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How Fast Can We Cut Energy Use?

How Fast Can We Cut Energy Use? thumbnail
  • Energy intensity improvements, or declines in the amount of energy consumption per unit of economic output, must play a critical role in efforts to decarbonize the global economy.
  • Global decarbonization scenarios depend on a wide range of energy intensity improvement rates.
  • Several scenarios which rely heavily on renewable energy and exclude other technologies from consideration (i.e. nuclear or carbon capture and storage), depend on a dramatic acceleration in energy intensity improvement compared to historical rates.
  • Policy making has only limited influence over the mechanisms behind changes in energy intensity. Further research is needed to carefully unpack the mechanisms behind historical rates of change in energy intensity in order to benchmark global decarbonization strategies.
  • Until then, scenarios calling for a step-change acceleration in energy intensity rates should be treated with caution. 

Avoiding extreme or dangerous climate change will likely require the nearly complete decarbonization of the global energy system during this century, with 50-90% reductions in global CO2 emissions by 2050 (GEA, 2012; IPCC, 2014; Loftus et al., 2015). These deep cuts in emissions must be achieved against a backdrop of growing global population and significant projected increases in demand for energy and energy-related services.

Driving global emissions down while economic prosperity expands and demand for energy services grows requires an unprecedented acceleration in the decarbonization of the global economy (Kaya, 1989). The quantity of CO2 emitted per unit of economic activity, or the carbon intensity of the global economy, must decline at a rate of 4-10%/year, depending on assumptions about the pace of economic expansion and population growth (Loftus et al., 2015). By contrast, global carbon intensity declined at a rate of just 0.9%/year from 1990 to 2005, despite significant policy efforts in some countries (EIA, 2010).

Cutting CO2 while keeping the economy growing will require improvements in the energy intensity of the economy — that is, declines in the amount of energy consumption per unit of economic output (i.e., GDP). It should come as no surprise, then, that energy intensity improvements feature prominently in almost all published scenarios proposing strategies to decarbonize the global economy and drive down emissions.

Energy intensity can be measured in one of two ways: (1) as the ratio of “primary” energy supplied, such as coal, oil, or renewable energy inputs, to GDP; or (2) as the ratio of the consumption of “final” energy, or usable forms of energy such as heat or electricity, to GDP. Regardless of which measure is used, published global decarbonization scenarios consistent with stabilizing atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations at the equivalent of 430-480 parts per million of CO2 all require dramatically accelerating the annual average rate of energy intensity improvement. Indeed, the rates envisioned in these scenarios stand in marked contrast with the historical rate of progress in energy intensity.

Loftus et al. (2015) critically review 17 global decarbonization scenarios, finding sustained primary energy intensity improvements rates between 1.6% and 3.6%/year. Likewise, Working Group III of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2014) presents a range of potential decarbonization strategies which rely on different combinations of energy intensity improvements and decarbonization of energy supplies (see Figure 1). These scenarios depend on improvements in final energy intensity at sustained rates between 1.0% and 3.6%/year over the next 50 years.

Figure 1. REDUCTIONS IN ENERGY INTENSITY AND CARBON INTENSITY OF ENERGY SUPPLY IN IPCC WORKING GROUP III CLIMATE STABILIZATION SCENARIOS

REDUCTIONS IN ENERGY INTENSITY AND CARBON INTENSITY OF ENERGY SUPPLY

Development of carbon-intensity of energy supply (CO2/energy) vs. final energy-intensity (final energy/GDP) reduction relative to 2010 in selected baseline and mitigation scenarios reaching 530 to 580 ppm and 430 to 480 ppm CO2-eq concentrations in 2100 (left panel) and relative to baseline in the same scenarios (right panel). Consecutive dots represent 10-year time steps starting in 2010 at the origin and going out to 2100. Graphic source: IPCC (2014, WG III, Chpt. 6, p. 39).

Figures 2 and 3 compare the sustained rates in primary and final energy intensity improvements called for in these representative decarbonization scenarios with historical changes in energy intensity (presented as five-year rolling averages). Consistent with Loftus, et al. (2015), we group decarbonization scenarios into four groups, based on the stringency of energy intensity improvement rates required. Figures 2 and 3 show the range of energy intensity rates consistent with both “Group 1” scenarios, which all foresee sustained growth in global energy demand, and “Group 4” scenarios, which envision absolute declines in global energy use due to efficiency improvements. In general, Group 4 scenarios depend to a greater degree on demand reductions and include a more limited range of primary energy sources (i.e., primarily renewables) while excluding other technologies from consideration (Loftus et al., 2015), while Group 1 scenarios achieve more rapid decarbonization of energy supplies (IPCC, 2014) and include a greater diversity of low-carbon primary energy sources(i.e., nuclear and fossil energy with carbon capture and sequestration) (Loftus et al., 2015).
As these figures illustrate, primary energy intensity historically improved at an average rate of 1.3%/year from 1980-2000, but progress has slowed in recent years. The rate of improvement averaged just 0.3%/year from 2000-2012 and even began to reverse progress after 2008. Likewise, final energy intensity improved at 1.6%/year from 1980-2000 but at a rate of just 0.6%/year after 2000.
Compared to these historical rates, even the decarbonization scenarios envisioning the least aggressive cuts in energy usage (“Group 1” in the Figures 2 and 3) depend on sustaining energy intensity declines at rates matching the most rapid declines seen over the last 40 years and much faster than the average energy intensity improvement rate over the last decade.
 
Figure 2. GLOBAL TRENDS IN PRIMARY ENERGY INTENSITY: HISTORICAL RATES AND PROPOSED RATES IN DECARBONIZATION SCENARIOS 

GLOBAL TRENDS IN PRIMARY ENERGY INTENSITY

Figure 3. GLOBAL TRENDS IN FINAL ENERGY INTENSITY: HISTORICAL RATES AND PROPOSED RATES IN DECARBONIZATION SCENARIOS 

GLOBAL TRENDS IN FINAL ENERGY INTENSITY

Historical primary and final energy data from IEA (2015). Historical GDP data from World Bank (2015). Prospective primary energy intensity rates from scenarios in Loftus et al. (2015) and final energy intensity rates from IPCC (2014, WG III, Chpt. 6, p. 39).

By contrast, scenarios which depend heavily on energy intensity improvements to hold global energy demand in check despite growing populations and affluence (“Group 4” scenarios) require roughly doubling the historical final energy intensity rate achieved from 1980-2000 and nearly tripling the primary energy intensity rate experienced over that period.

Furthermore, final energy intensity improvement would need to progress at up to six times the average rate experienced from 2000-2012 while primary energy intensity gains would need to see a twelve-fold acceleration (see Figure 4).

Figure 4. HISTORICAL AND PROPOSED AVERAGE ANNUAL PRIMARY (LEFT) AND FINAL (RIGHT) ENERGY INTENSITY IMPROVEMENT RATES 

HISTORICAL AND PROPOSED ENERGY INTENSITY IMPROVEMENT RATES

Historical primary and final energy data from IEA (2015). Historical GDP data from World Bank (2015). Prospective primary energy intensity rates from scenarios in Loftus et al. (2015) and final energy intensity rates from IPCC (2014, WG III, Chpt. 6, p. 39).

Is a dramatic acceleration of energy intensity improvement possible? To answer this question, we must consider that a number of different mechanisms drive the rate of change in global energy intensity, including:

  1. Sectoral shifts in the composition of the global economy, such as the increasing importance of services as a share of global GDP, which tend to consume much less energy per unit of economic activity than heavy industry or agriculture;
  2. Substitution of other economic inputs for energy, such as an increased reliance on capital or labor in productive processes in lieu of energy inputs; and
  3. Improvements in primary to final energy conversion efficiency, or the efficiency at which “primary” energy supplies, such as coal, oil, or renewable energy inputs, are converted to usable, “final” forms of energy such as heat or electricity;
  4. Improvements in end-use energy efficiency, or the amount of final energy inputs needed to deliver a given energy service, such as heating, cooling, transportation, or industrial process energy inputs.

All of these processes contribute to reductions in the amount of energy necessary to support a given amount of economic activity. Yet only a few of these mechanisms can be affected by energy and climate policy levers. We will consider each mechanism in turn.

Sectoral changes in the makeup of the global economy have little to do with climate or energy policy, yet are an important driver of energy intensity trends (see Baksi & Green, 2007; Ma & Stern, 2008; Mulder & de Groot, 2013; Voigt et al., 2014; Wing, 2008). Energy taxes or carbon pricing may induce substitution of capital, labor, or other inputs in lieu of energy, but the efficacy of these policies is complicated by the many other factors driving the relative price and productivity of goods and services in the global economy and the complementary nature of energy and many other factors of production (see Kim & Heo, 2013; Vega-Carvera & Medina, 2000). In general, both of these mechanisms are affected by complex economic trends influenced by a wide range of factors far outside the scope of decarbonization policy

As Figure 5 illustrates, primary to final conversion intensity has been gradually worsening over the past four decades, with more and more primary energy required to produce a given quantity of useful final energy. If this trend continues, it will make it even more difficult to achieve the rates of primary energy intensity declines necessary to confront climate change.

Figure 5. GLOBAL HISTORICAL TRENDS IN PRIMARY TO FINAL ENERGY CONVERSION INTENSITY 

GLOBAL HISTORICAL TRENDS IN PRIMARY TO FINAL ENERGY CONVERSION INTENSITY

Historical primary and final energy data from IEA (2015).

Going forward, a substantial transition from fossil-fueled power stations to nuclear and renewable electricity or an increase in the use of combined heat and power plants could help reverse this trend. On the other hand, electrification of heating, cooling, or cooking could reduce primary to final energy intensity, as using fuels to produce heat directly is typically more efficient than converting primary energy first to electricity and then to heat. Likewise, installation of carbon capture and storage at fossil-fueled power stations would reduce the efficiency of these plants, increasing the primary to final energy intensity of electricity generation. In short, the impact of decarbonization policies on primary to final energy conversion could be mixed, and in any case, has more to do with supply-side energy policies than the end-use efficiency policies typically associated with improvements in energy intensity.

Finally, end-use energy efficiency is the frequent focus of climate and energy policy making. Yet even here, the policy lever at our disposal may be smaller than it first seems. Indeed, actors in the global economy are constantly pursuing efforts to improve the productivity of inputs to production, energy included. In short, we have a basic economic incentive to progressively squeeze more and more GDP out of a unit of energy, all else equal. As such, there is a long-term trend of improvement in the energy intensity of end-use economic activities, irrespective of energy policies (IPCC, 2014). From a policy-making perspective, this background rate of energy efficiency improvement is “autonomous” or “exogenous” to policy efforts.

From a climate policy perspective, this reality cuts both ways. On the one hand, decarbonization efforts can safely count on continued help from these autonomous efficiency improvements. Some portion of historical final energy intensity improvement rates are likely to continue into the future, irrespective of climate policy. On the other hand, the ability of policies to affect the rate of energy efficiency improvement is correspondingly diminished to the extent that much improvement is already “baked in” to business-as-usual trends and cannot be counted twice (Pielke, Wigley & Green, 2008).

In sum, after factoring in all of the mechanisms behind historical energy intensity improvement rates, it is difficult to find the policy “signal” in these “noisy” trends. Only a fraction of the overall final energy intensity improvement rates seen historically have anything to do with the wide range of end-use energy efficiency or climate policies pursued by a variety of nations over the past four decades. How large a lever then do policy makers hold as they seek to accelerate energy intensity improvements? The answer to this question is speculative, but of critical importance. Indeed, further research to decompose the mechanisms behind global energy intensity trends and identify those factors over which policy measures have influence could be of critical importance to designing effective decarbonization strategies.

After an initial examination of Figures 4 above, for example, one might easily conclude that accelerating final energy intensity to the rates envisioned by Group 1 decarbonization scenarios is trivial and the much faster rates envisioned by Group 4 scenarios could be accomplished with “only” a doubling or tripling of historical rates. Yet consider a speculative case where energy and climate policy efforts have influence over factors accounting for just one third of the historical energy intensity improvement rates experienced over recent decades. In that case, accelerating to the rates envisioned in the most aggressive (Group 4) scenarios would entail a 3.4 to 4.8-fold increase in the efficacy of policy efforts relative to 1980-2000 historical averages and a 12.5 to 16-fold increase in policy impact compared to 2000-2012 rates (see Figure 6). The relative importance of mechanisms over which policy has influence thus dramatically changes the outlook on the feasibility of scenarios envisioning rapid energy intensity improvements.

Figure 6. RELATIVE INCREASE IN POLICY EFFICACY REQUIRED TO ACCELERATE ENERGY INTENSITY TRENDS: A SPECULATIVE EXAMPLE  

RELATIVE INCREASE IN POLICY EFFICACY REQUIRED TO ACCELERATE ENERGY INTENSITY TRENDS

Historical primary and final energy data from IEA (2015). Historical GDP data from World Bank (2015). Prospective final energy intensity rates from IPCC (2014, WG III, Chpt. 6, p. 39). Share of historical and future trends due to mechanisms exogenous to or influenced by policy speculative and depicted for illustrative example only.

In conclusion, energy intensity improvements must play a critical role in efforts to decarbonize the global economy. Global decarbonization scenarios depend on a wide range of energy intensity improvement rates, some of which entail a dramatic acceleration compared to historical rates of improvement. As policy making has only limited influence over the mechanisms behind changes in energy intensity, critical attention should be paid to the ability of policy to accelerate energy intensity improvements. Further research should carefully unpack the mechanisms behind historical rates of change in energy intensity to further benchmark and calibrate global decarbonization strategies. Until then, scenarios calling for a step-change acceleration in energy intensity rates should be treated with caution.

 Clean Air Task Force  Click here to download this note as a PDF



15 Comments on "How Fast Can We Cut Energy Use?"

  1. penury on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 11:10 am 

    If Ifs and buts were candy and nuts what a merry christmas we would have (thanks to Don Meridth) I hope they got a government grant to write this crap.

  2. ritastrakosha@yahoo.com on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 12:06 pm 

    They need no more research. They need more natural disasters to make up their mind to CONSERVE.

  3. sunweb on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 12:11 pm 

    Who goes first?
    Question: What would happen if solar and wind energy collecting devices got the same tax breaks as the fossil fuel industry?
    “The impact of fossil fuels on renewable energy development, described in this section, may be broken down in to four key aspects, though there is some overlap between these. First, fossil-fuel subsidies impair the relative cost competitiveness of renewable energy by reducing the cost of fossil-fuel-based alternatives. Second, since many electricity systems are based on fossil-fuel generation, fossil-fuel subsidies often act to lock in and reinforce incumbent generation technologies, thereby imposing entry barriers for new entrants attempting to develop renewable technologies. Third, a shift to an electricity system including a greater role for renewable energy requires investment, which is undermined by fossil-fuel subsidies that appear to enhance the attractiveness of fossil-fuel technologies compared to renewable energy.
    Finally, the underpricing of environmental and social externalities means that prices do not reflect the true cost of energy.”
    “The Impact of Fossil-Fuel Subsidies on Renewable Electricity Generation” December 2014 Richard Bridle and Lucy Kitson
    http://www.iisd.org/sites/default/files/publications/impact-fossil-fuel-subsidies-renewable-electricity-generation.pdf
    I think the last key aspect needs more clarity on costs and price because the underwriting of solar and wind energy collecting devices by fossil fuels might add more costs to the devices if the environmental and social externalities were factored in. This added cost would need to be added to the price of the devices. Just as important, they would be factored into the making of the devices if a total system assessment was taken. This would mean at least challenging the green description and probably the sustainable and renewable description.

  4. J-Gav on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 12:33 pm 

    Yeah, Pen, or this one: If assholes had wings, Capitol Hill would be an airport.

    So much for ‘let’s-get-the-policy-makers-onboard’ approach …

  5. BobInget on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 1:00 pm 

    Origin: “Cats out of the bag”

    There are two commonly heard suggested origins of this phrase. One relates to the fraud of substituting a cat for a piglet at markets. If you let the cat out of the bag you disclosed the trick – and avoided buying a pig in a poke (bag). This form of trickery is long alluded to in the language and ‘pigs in a poke’ are recorded as early as 1530.

    “Locking the stable door after the horse has bolted”. The Peppergate in Chester produced a similar saying. It is noted in several histories of the city and I checked the references. The Peppergate gained notoriety when, in 1573, Ellen, the daughter of Mayor Aldersey eloped through it with her lover, leaving the City Assembly to order, on 15th January 1573 that the gate be shut!

    “Between a rock and a hard place”
    This phrase originated in the USA in the early part of the 20th century. It is the American manifestation of a phrase that exists in several forms in other cultures.

    The dilemma of being in a position where one is faced with two equally unwelcome options appears to lie deep in the human psyche.

    “A drop in the Ocean”
    From the Bible, Isaiah 40:15 (King James Version):

    “Behold, the nations are as a drop of a bucket, and are counted as the small dust of the balance: behold, he taketh up the isles as a very little thing.”

  6. J-Gav on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 1:49 pm 

    Bob – No matter how you slice it, we got our tails in a crack.

    This is neither here nor there -nor oil-related, except if that ‘drop in a bucket’ is somewhat viscous, but it’s interesting to come across someone else here who finds language and its history worth a look.

    The ‘pig in a poke’ was a ‘chat en poche’ in France during the Renaissance and until the early 20th century (buying without knowing what!). And it’s hammer and anvil in French for the rock and a hard place (‘être entre le marteau et l’enclume’).

    What to do about all the scams leading to these crises? If a I had a solution … meanwhile, sort of looks like Catch 22, doesn’t it?

  7. Go Speed Racer. on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 3:03 pm 

    LOL bow quick can we reduce energy consumption? We don’t reduce our consumption, it reduces itself, az we run out if it.

  8. Plantagenet on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 3:21 pm 

    People actually aren’t reducing their energy use.

    The preceding story says that people are using MORE gasoline and MORE carbon is being emitted now that gasoline prices have fallen as a consequence of the oil glut.

  9. Apneaman on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 4:14 pm 

    We are programed by evolution to use all the energy we can. Save on this end-spend it on the other.

    Jevons paradox

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jevons_paradox

  10. Apneaman on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 4:19 pm 

    The Biophysics of Civilization, Money = Energy, and the Inevitability of Collapse

    http://collapseofindustrialcivilization.com/2014/03/27/the-biophysics-of-civilization-money-energy-and-the-inevitability-of-collapse/

  11. Arthur75 on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 5:14 pm 

    “How Fast Can We Cut Energy Use?”

    Not very fast at all

    Nonetheless we will !

    not going to be pretty

  12. Makati1 on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 7:58 pm 

    Arthur75, you are correct of course. Energy use is going to be cut in many ways, but most of them will be very painful for the 1st world and less so for the rest. If you are used to owning 1,000 slaves to do everything for you, and 999 of them die over the next year, you are hurting. If you only borrowed a slave occasionally, and he becomes unavailable, the pain is not so much.

    For instance:
    (From the World Bank Chart for 2011)

    Americans use 2 gallons of oil energy per day.
    Filipinos use less than one pint per day.

    Americans use ~13,500 KWh of electric per capita/year.
    Filipinos use ~650 KWh of electric per capita/per year.

    Who do you think is going to miss energy the most? Americans or Filipinos?

  13. Davy on Mon, 16th Mar 2015 8:07 pm 

    Sorry, Makster, the hurtin will be worst on the poor in Asia where the region is in a terrible overshoot situation with 4BIL living in the space of a Russia with 130MIL. Asia can’t survive without food important and energy imports. That my buddy Makster is 3 strikes and your done when SHTF. Sorry for the bad news I guess it is morning in Manilla. Sorry to ruin your morning joe.

  14. Makati1 on Tue, 17th Mar 2015 1:26 am 

    Davy, enjoy your prejudices while they last. You blindness to the real world outside the UFSA is obvious to everyone here. You forget that Russia and China are now sharing everything and they will survive better than the soon to be isolated UFSA.

    IF the nukes fly, Missouri will not be any safer than Manila. Maybe less so as the Philippines is no threat to either Russia or China. They will be busy with the West, especially America.

    But, dream on … if it floats your boat. Have you built that bomb shelter yet? If not, you better move it up your priority list.

    http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/putins-rattling-of-the-nuclear-saber-makes-it-clear-ukraine-is-non-negotiable/517511.html

    http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2015-03-16/putin-warns-we-were-ready-use-nukes-secure-crimea

    http://thebricspost.com/chinese-premier-backs-russia-on-crimea/

    We are five minutes to midnight on the nuclear doomsday clock. Remember the Cuban Missile Crisis of 62?

    “The Cuban Missile Crisis, also known as the October Crisis (Spanish: Crisis de octubre), The Missile Scare was a 13-day confrontation in October 1962 between the United States and the Soviet Union over Soviet ballistic missiles deployed in Cuba. It played out on television worldwide and was the closest the Cold War came to escalating into a full-scale nuclear war ….” until now.

    Well, this could be the Ukraine Missile Crisis that goes awry, only now there are many multiples of nukes and missiles and the ability of China and Russia to deliver them anywhere in the world in a matter of hours.

    Duck and Cover! ^_^

  15. Davy on Tue, 17th Mar 2015 6:42 am 

    Oh, I got under the Makster’s skin. He tries not to respond to my comments but his agendist message get water thrown on it by reason and he gets pissed. Makster you always think you have some kind of refuge there in the P’s. 100MIL desperate hungry locust people will scavenge that little country the size of Arizona. A population the size of Russia in the space of Arizona. That is the absurdity of BAU Asia in wild overshoot.

    I am not any more prejudice than you Mak. My prejudice is to show you your agenda works both ways and that all regions have comparative advantages and disadvantages. My prejudices throw water on all the anti-American delusions you have that the rest of the world is good and America is bad when in reality the rest of the world is just as much a part of the worst of BAU.

    Makster I have mentioned many times what WWIII means to me. I have an important military base 40 miles as the crow flies away. It will surely be hit. I have no illusions my doomstead will not be much good in a NUK war. But you will die relatively quickly being an old man of 70 in a locust people country in a NUK winter.

    Your Russo-Sino alliance is just fiction. China would collapse without American trade. That is the nature of BAU interconnectedness. You are such an agendist lost in your fantasy of the P’s refuge within the Asian phoenix rising. Nothing could be further from the truth. Asia is the center of growth in population and consumption. It cannot survive without food, fuel, and resource important. The Asian population is where the worst of the global overshoot is. If we had no Asia the rest of the world would have time. Not that that would matter but it is your Asia that is responsible now for the worst of everything BAU. The west got us to this point Asia has taken the baton and will kill the earth with population and consumption.

    You Mak and your blame, complain, and kill them with NUKs attitude will be the reason the world ends badly. Your attitude is so apparent by the way you hope for a NUk war destroying America an America where your family is. What a pathetic patriarch. I am staying here to protect my family as best I can even if that means death. You are a coward. Your resentment and hatred in that smug asshole attitude you have is what will ensure conflict and destruction. You represent the bastards of the world. You by a comparison of the micro to the macro are as bad as the DC thugs in evil. I would piss on you and spit on you if I could.

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