I have a few graphs today.
The source of this data is the same sources noted in The Oil Drum article. IEA monthly reports, OPEC monthly reports, and Table Ia of the EIA data per the link.
I have a different set of hypotheses on this issue, just to bring up another plausible scenario, and back it up with some conjectures of my own. Note that in the Oil Drum article, there are plenty of theroies, what ifs, opinions, etc. and they lead to a point of view, and I am not sure that is wrong. I am sure, though, that if you look at the same data in a slightly different way, you come up with more information, and not necessarily the same conclusions.
Here are my theories:
a. Saudi production levels are well thought out, and are the result of a system of triggers/indicators that we do not necessarily know, but are probably deduceable.
b. There is plenty of evidence that the current production cutbacks are the result of the system in (a) therefore not necessarily due to the fact that they "cannot" produce at a given level.
c. Saudi is still the swing producer within OPEC
d. They are not getting much help in controlling the system.
First, a comment about the data. I am glad the Oil Drum guy is ragging on the quality of the data because it is bad, therefore puts an element of doubt into anything that anyone does. Also I think that part of the problem is that this business is so enormous that it is hard to keep track of all that oil, going around the world, being pumped into tanks, etc.
Therefore, unless someone tells me better, I think it is better not to focus too much on the monthly data, because of the noise in the system causing a lot of fluctuation and variation in the data. What I have done below is mainly focused on quarterly averages.
This sort of makes sense to me. Even in Saudi, you cannot just place a phone call and have a huge jump in production just like that, and also once the production ramps up, it takes a long time, at least six weeks, for it to show up in somebody's inventory. Nothing takes a month. Everything takes a couple of months. So, it is much better to see how this data moves over time, when smoothed, rather than worry about the minute gyrations of the monthly data. This keeps you aware of the trends and keeps you from over-reacting.
Secondly, I think it is best to view this as a process control problem. In any process, particularly one that is not very well measured, there is a certain amount of random variation that takes place, and if you turn the dial at the first sign of trouble (which in the OPEC case is to adjust production upward or downward based on some piece of data) you will more often than not blow up the system. So in this case OPEC in general, and Saudi in particular, is acting as a process control mechanism for the process of oil production at a massive level.
Here is a graph that illustrates what I mean. It's the quarterly average of the OECD inventory levels. The OPEC goal, as it were, is to provide good customer service, and to make the system as stable as possible. In the case of OECD inventory, the average inventory over the time period we are talking about is 81.2 days, with a standard deviation of 2.2 days. Note that I am using "number of days usage in inventory" rather than some gross inventory number, to accommodate the fact that overall usage is growing over time, etc. In the world of process control, people use the average plus some number of standard deviations as control limits. When "the value" drifts outside the control limits, somebody turns the knob or something and gets the system back into control.
So on the graph above are the inventory levels, plus a one standard deviation upper and lower control limit. The limits are 84 days or so on the high side, down to 79 on the low side, give or take.
As you can see, when we start the period, back in 2001, the inventory is right at the upper control limit. In fact, the real control limits would have to be derived from what was happening before the 2001 time frame, so these limits are obviously science fictioin, but maybe the "real" ones are something like it. Also in "real" process control, it is customary to use 2 standard deviations or more to determine whether a process is in control, but this is a minor point we can discuss later, if you want.
But the point is, I think Saudi uses this, plus probably some other, control limit system to decide whether to cut back or increase production to achieve inventory stability at about 82 days. In this case, this is exactly what happened. OPEC was in the process of reducing supply during early 2001, and it successfully brought inventories back in line.
In fact, the cutback was too effective. In the period of late 2002 and early 2003, inventories got low enough to touch or exceed the lower control limit, therefore they had to then turn the crank again and get some more oil out the door. This happened, as someone above pointed out, at a time which was also the period right before the Gulf War, so it was convenient politically as well.
If you go through the historical OPEC quotas, by the way, you can see that this is pretty much what happened.
By the way, here is the graph of the "commercial" inventories during the same time frame. This is the total inventory, minus the various nations' SPR's and other government owned storage. This is what I would say is the "real" goal of OPEC, which is to keep inventories nice and stable for its "paying customers", namely the big chemical companies and refiners.
note that these inventories pretty much go in sync, so I would say that if I were setting up a process control system, I could just as easily use either for a control indicator, or maybe some combination of both.
So it is clear what is happening right now, (in my opinion), if you look at the late 2006 time frame, OECD inventories have again exceeded the upper control limit, which we knew, because we follow this all the time, and so all of OPEC, and Saudi in particular, have cut way back to adjust this so that it will get back into the limits.
I am not ready to say that they use this inventory data alone as a way to decide how to regulate production. In fact, I believe they also have at their disposal some forecasting tools that they use to get an idea of whether or not they are going to need to adjust production levels.
Here are some excerpts from various OPEC monthly reports, as indicated below.
The first one below is from the December report. Note that they are predicting a big decline in demand in the second quarter of 2007.
So, if you are OPEC, or Saudi, and it is last fall sometime, you see that the inventories are quite high, and there is a projected low spot coming up in the second quarter, do you still run the wells all out? Certainly not. So this is a key point, to establish "intent", as it were. It is perfectly reasonable, at the time the data was presented last fall, for Saudi to act the way they did. In fact, the cutback happened a long time before that, and in fact, as I will show later, other OPEC members cut back at various amounts during that same time frame.
This is a table from the October 2002 report, which predicts a big increase in demand by the end of 2003 (note that the Gulf War did not officially enter into this). But per the graph above, this is exactly what happened, and by the fall of 2003, inventory levels had indeed gone below the "control limit" if you will, so it was correct, from the point of view at the time, to start to increase production again.
Similarly, this is the forecast made in 2005 for estimated demand in 2006, showing a decrease in demand toward the end of '06, which is what apparently actually happened.
So anyway, what I am saying is that it is perfectly plausible for these guys to use various data sources to decide what to do, and they do a pretty good job considering the chaotic nature of the market, and also erratic production ability of some of their OPEC partners.
This is a table of the last several years, and it is the change in production for Saudi and also for the non-Saudi members of OPEC for the "following quarter", that is, for March, it's the average for March, April and May. I did it this way to illustrate that at a given time, these characters made a decision as to how much more or less to produce, based on the available data, and what the outcome was. We don't have the data for January-March yet, unfortunately.
You can see from this two things; One is, that they made decisions to increase or decrease production that (with the exception of the Gulf War and Venezuela oil strikes) coincided pretty closely to the inventory levels getting either high or low, as suggested above.
More importantly, we can see that Saudi always, ALWAYS, takes on a proportionately larger burden of the cutbacks or increases compared to the rest of OPEC. Saudi has about a 31% market share, so you would suspect that if OPEC decided to cut back or increase production, Saudi would take about 31% of the change, but, on average, Saudi takes on a greatly larger percentage, as indicated by the rightmost column.
So, this is a key point: Here we are in the fall last year, the inventories are getting out of control and they are expecting a really weak second quarter, so it is of course perfectly true to form that Saudi would lead the way in cutting back on production and cut back more than the rest of the members. This is a tendency repeated over and over during this time frame. In some of these cases, Saudi is cutting or increasing production at the same time as the rest of these slackers are going the other way.
A couple more minor points on the issue of OPEC in general. Here is a nice, confusing graph of OPEC production by country by quarter during this time frame. Note that if you use the quarterly data, and scale the graph correctly, it does not look so variable.
In this graph, I have divided OPEC into 5 groups: The first one, labeled FTGS is Iran and Venezuela (FTGS stands for F*** the Great Satan). K and S is Kuwait and Saudi. At the moment, These are your moderate players, and willing to work to stabilize the system. The "Market Builders" are countries like Libya and Algeria and Oman and UAE. These slacker nations never cut back for anyone, they have mainly gone up even during periods that OPEC has needed to cut back. The "Chaos" countries are Iraq and Nigeria. These two crazy nations are subject to sudden unexpected decreases in supply because of their chaotic political situation, but note that generally, these nations have actually been stable for a couple of years. The last one is Indonesia. They are in permanent decline, and have slowly and steadily decreasing production.
But, this graph illustrates an important point: When OPEC cuts back, who actually does the cutting? Kuwait and Saudi, mainly. In the past few months, some other nations like Libya have cut back slightly, but as usual, the bulk of the supply reduction is absorbed by the moderates.
One more side point: A lot was made in the Oil Drum article of the period around June of 2004. This was the period in which OPEC decided to "raise its production quotas", and is represented on the graph by the little spike in production. First of all, it is clear to me that this "production increase" did not affect anyone except Saudi and Kuwait, since they were the only ones who had any spare capacity, and the graph above reflects this. Secondly, the statements made at the time were probably close to true: They were adjusting the "quota system" to reflect reality, and also, this was probably the extent, at the time, of the spare capacity.
But that is not to say that Saudi and Kuwait could not, with some effort, get back to that level at a given moment. We will still need to see another change in pricing regime before this takes place. If OPEC's forecasts are correct, maybe we will not see it in the second quarter, after all, and by then maybe some of the reworks in Saudi will be online, so we may never know.
One other minor point, and that is, if you look at the table above, it seems to suggest that to a great extent, this production increase "worked" to the extent that it reduced the rate of price increase for crude oil from about 25% per year down to about 15% per year. In 2005, of course, the hurricanes hit, and threw the system into turmoil again, but I am not at all sure that price, per se, is an actual control point. You can make the argument that if they control inventory, they are doing their job, and for the most part the price will stay in line with the amount of oil there is on the market, as most assuredly happened during the latter part of 2006.
So, to summarize, going back to the original points:
a. It is entirely plausible that the current cutback by OPEC/Saudi is related to some system of control of the market, based on a set of forecasts or inventory figures, for example, and not necessarily due to some big decline in their oil fields. The production control system they are using could be as simple as the OECD inventories, or some other simple algorithm that indicates how much to produce.
b. We will not know for sure what their actual production capability is until they are called on again to produce at a high level. It is also plausible that they are covering their hineys with draws from their internal inventory system as Simmons suggests. They are pretty adamant about the system not being "at peak" and in fact, in the latest Opec Monthly Report, this was explicitly stated.
c. Not only is Saudi still the swing producer in OPEC, but they are getting hosed by some of the other participants in this so-called cartel, who only toe the line on production when it suits them.
For some reason, they keep the system going anyway.
Others should feel free to comment.