by Jenab6 » Mon 19 Jun 2006, 02:00:17
$this->bbcode_second_pass_quote('pstarr', 'W')e are discussing well-intentioned but misguided pleas for objectivity (that themselves are culturally-biased) obvious in such language as "we are not equal, we are all different." Difference does not imply inequality, only difference.
On the contrary. Difference does imply inequality because equality means "no difference." Perhaps when you refer to "racial equality," you really mean racial equivalency, that the shortcomings of a race are made up for, somehow, by an exuberance in some other area, and that the races come off equivalently well at handling life's challenges by employing the different means that are natural to each.
That's actually closer to the truth, but it still isn't there. You see, there's no "Dungeon Master" in the real world who makes sure that all the characters get an equal number of points to allocate among their various vital statistics. There's nobody to make sure that one race and another race are even using the same number of the same kind of dice. The laws of nature operate without any consciousness or consideration for fairness.
There is, in fact, a physical basis for a racial IQ differential. One race has a smaller and less complex brain. You know which one. It's the race that always comes off on the bottom of every intelligence test ever devised, even when they're the ones who devised it. Anthropologists have known for decades that this race has an average brain volume of 1350 cc, compared to 1500 cc's for Whites, and that a disproportionate amount of the difference occurs in the cerebellum, where abstract thought is believed to take place.
I have marvelled at the ability of some people to see the evidence and hear the logic and still turn intransigence into a moral virtue.
Jerry Abbott
$this->bbcode_second_pass_quote('William G. Simpson in Which Way Western Man', 'I')t is surely obvious on the face of it that if equality of opportunity is ever to bring things out even, between man and man, they must all be born with equal potentialities for benefiting by it. There never can be either point or sense in giving men opportunities that they lack the ability or the inclination to take advantage of. It thus becomes evident at once that the whole demand for equal opportunity must finally derive
from an initial assumption that men
are born equal, if not absolutely, at least in their potentialities. This is what the revolutionist really starts with, and it is what many an earnest Christian really starts with, too. In other words, what the demand rests on at bottom is nothing more, from the start, than assumption, predisposition, preconception, what in the last analysis stands revealed as sheer prejudice. They
want to believe men equal. They
need to believe men equal. Their need is so great that it can fairly be said they
must believe men equal. The revolutionists need it as the very crux of their class war; they are set on leveling things to bring themselves up, and to this end they cry “equality” in order to bring their superiors down.
The Christians need it (apart from their perhaps sharing the revolutionists’ motives) because their religion, on which they rest their entire life, proclaims that God is love, and, figuring that the mind of their God must work like their own, they feel that he would stultify himself and not even be just, let alone loving, if he were to make men other than equal, if he turned men loose to run the race of life under insuperable handicaps. Probably, it is not too much to say that to many Christians the belief in human equality is more vital than God himself, that rather than give it up they would give up their God and face life without any God. To both revolutionists and many earnest Christians, the belief in equality is
so essential, if life is to make any sense or to give them any satisfaction, that they feel themselves lifted into a sublime superiority to all reality and are ready to assert its reality in defiance of demonstrable facts! They stubbornly close their eyes to facts, ignore, evade or even falsify facts, and fasten fanatically on whatever will make what they want to believe seem valid. Nevertheless, at the bottom of it all, I say again, there is nothing more than need, and wish, and assumption, and assertion.
Certainly, the facts of life are completely contrary to it. By their very
nature men are
unequal. They are born unequal. No informed person in his senses, nor anyone who has gone through life with his eyes open, can possibly believe anything else. Indeed, our whole theory of evolution is based on the scientific conclusion that men, like all other living creatures, were different from one another, and some better than others, if only in the sense of being better able to survive in a given environment. The most obvious feature of all life is its infinite diversity. No two of
any living thing are just alike or equal. Furthermore, our genetic inheritance, what we are every one of us heir to, from our parents and ancestors, is absolutely inescapable. And further yet, top-ranking scientific authorities are rating this genetic inheritance as a factor approximately three times as determinative of every man’s development as his environment, which is another name for opportunity.
I am, of course, very much aware that this view of the matter is not universally accepted, that in fact the great mass of men, even of university professors, have come to, or been brought to, its direct opposite, to the essentially Communist view which disparages heredity in favor of environment. But I began nearly forty years ago to study this socially crucial problem of heredity
versus environment, and I have followed the controversy that grew out of it ever since. And it gradually became apparent to me, as it has to others, that there was a movement on foot, stemming from Professor Franz Boas at Columbia University in the late Twenties, to establish the academic world of the United States on a foundation of Communist-slanted anthropology. This story needs to be told in full and given the widest possible publicity, but I need not take the space for it here, since it has already been told very objectively and with ample supporting evidence by Carleton Putnam in his
Race and Reason (1961), especially perhaps in its first thirty-three pages, and in the first part of his more recent
Race and Reality (1967).
But in any case the story can be uncovered, together with the truth about the supreme importance of heredity as compared with environment, by any man of moderate intelligence who will stubbornly refuse to content himself with other men’s interpretations of the evidence, however “authoritative,” and will insist on examining the evidence for himself—thoroughly, honestly, independently, and fearlessly. My own investigation has satisfied me that respectable evidence of human equality simply does not exist. Accordingly, I must necessarily believe that no matter how men may theorize, dogmatize, and try to rearrange society on a contrary assumption—in spite of demonstrable facts—they will invariably find in the end that “the old sources of distinction,” of difference and inequality, have once again made themselves manifest and proved utterly inescapable and invincible. If you try to weave a rug out of red wool, the rug will always come out red no matter what pattern you choose. Should we not show more sense, more reason, if we undertook to build a society on a frank recognition and acceptance of the basic fact that men are
unequal?
But reason is not the foundation for this demand for equality. I have noticed that the talk is always about opportunity’s being
given, being
provided. But it is not the healthy, or the beautiful, or the well-born, or the well-endowed from whose lips this cry arises. We may open the books of history and biography where we will, but it is always only to discover that those who were able to take did not wait or ask to be given. Rather, and obviously to him of fine ear, does this cry come from those who are poorly equipped for the race of life who, as they see others forging ahead of them, weakly whimper, “I could have shown myself as good a man as you
if I had been given a chance.” Here we have the source of this cry, in the heart of him who weakly blames on external circumstances an inferiority that is rooted in his own faulty make-up. At bottom, it is a cry of envy, and even of resentment and hatred toward all superior ones. It is a cry by which the poorly endowed and ill-favored try to gather together other poorly endowed and ill-favored ones, until by their very numbers they can overthrow and oust all superior ones and create a world to the advantage of their own kind, of the masses, of the mob. It is
not honestly an effort to ensure that capacity gets the opportunity it deserves. Rather, is it an effort to win for those who lack capacity, advantages and position that they do not deserve and cannot measure up to. The cry “equality of opportunity” is only a political trick, a piece of stratagem, to take in the unwary. Unsparingly laid bare, it is discovered to be the cry of the revolutionist, of the subversive, of him who would destroy that natural order apart from which no true society has ever existed or can exist, who would turn the pyramid upside down and put the bottom on top.