Funny that you mention Engdahl's book, as I was re-reading parts of it this past Saturday. One of most fascinating parts of his book is that he was able to buy at a Paris bookstore the original minutes of a May, 1973 Bilderberg meeting. Engdahl actually provides photocopies of the book's cover and various exerts that reveal something quite shocking.
One of the American's presented a "scenario" in which the world would see "huge increases in the price of Middle East Oil," and in the back of the book this was modeled at 400%. The concern of these elites was not to stop this upcoming oil shock, but instead, devise ways to "manage" the "flow" of surplus dollars that would be created in this "scenario."
Kissenger referred to this as "recycling petrodollar flows." I referance that documet in my book, and I find it fascinating that this May 1973 scenario transpired exactly as predicted 5 months later with the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War. From 1973 oil went from about $3 barrel to $11.65 by Jan 1974....
Another shocker revealed in this book is that it was Henry Kissinger who
asked the Shah of Iran to increase the oil prices for the oil embargo...Yes, Kissenger wanted the higher oil prices, most likely to implement the petrodollar recycling system and increase the demand/liquidity value of the dollar via petrodollar loans from the IMF. Here's an exert from my book that quotes Engdahl's work:
US Dollar: Fiat Currency or Oil-Backed Currency?
"What the powerful men grouped around the Bilderberg had evidently decided that May [1973] was to launch a colossal assault against industrial growth in the world, in order to tilt the balance of power back to the advantage of Anglo-American financial interests and the dollar. In order to do this, they determined to use their most prized weapon — control of the world’s oil flows. Bilderberg policy was to trigger a global oil embargo in order to force a dramatic increase in world oil prices. Since 1945, world oil had by international custom been priced in dollars …. A sudden sharp increase in the world price of oil, therefore, meant an equally dramatic increase in world demand for US dollars to pay for that necessary oil.
Never in history had such a small circle of interests, centered in London and New York, controlled so much of the entire world’s economic destiny. The Anglo-American financial establishment had resolved to use their oil power in a manner no one could have imagined possible. The very outrageousness of their scheme was to their advantage, they clearly reckoned."
– F. William Engdahl,
A Century of War, 2004
At this point he makes an extraordinary claim:
‘I am 100 percent sure that the Americans were behind the increase in the price of oil [circa 1973-1974]. The oil companies were in real trouble at that time, they had borrowed a lot of money and they needed a high oil price to save them.’
‘He says he was convinced of this by the attitude of the Shah of Iran, who in one crucial day in 1974 moved from the Saudi view’ … ‘to advocating higher prices.’
‘King Faisal sent me to the Shah of Iran, who said:
“Why are you against the increase in the price of oil? That is what they want? Ask Henry Kissinger — he is the one who wants a higher price.”’ [emphasis added]
Yamani contends that proof of his long-held belief has recently emerged in the minutes of a secret meeting on a Swedish island, where UK and US officials determined to orchestrate a 400 per cent increase in the oil price.
–
Observer (UK) interview with Sheikh Yaki Yamani (Saudi Arabian Oil Minister from 1962–1986) at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 14, 2001
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Needless to say, but I highly recommend this book, as Engdahl has done his homework. I used Engdahl's research quite liberally in Chapter 1 of my book (and I acknowledge this in the Introduction.) Anyhow, here's an exert of that crucial period in 1973-1974...
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Throughout this time President Nixon was increasingly embroiled in what became known as the Watergate Scandal. Consequently he named Henry Kissinger both Secretary of State and head of the White House’s National Security Council. In these highly empowered roles, Kissinger promptly pursued the monetary strategy as outlined in the Bilderberg plan. During 1973–1974 US Treasury Secretary William Simon began secret negotiations with the government of Saudi Arabia in an attempt to buttress global oil sales in dollars only, and thereby thwart discussions at that time of transitioning oil trades to a basket of currencies. Saudi Arabia, as the largest OPEC oil producer, was the natural choice. Neither Congress nor the CIA was informed of these agreements until Saudi Arabia had completed their purchases of $2.5 billion in US Treasury bills. By the time Congress was informed of this “add-on arrangement,” it was a fait accompli.
Engdahl contended that Kissinger, acting as Nixon’s intelligence czar, was able to “misrepresent to each party [Israelis, Syrians and Egyptians] the critical elements of the other, ensuring the [October 1973 Yom Kippur] war and its subsequent Arab oil embargo.” He reasoned that once the oil embargo began, “the Arab oil-producing nations were to be the scapegoat for the coming rage of the world, while the Anglo-American interests responsible stood quietly in the background.”
Regardless of whether subsequent events unfolded as envisioned by the Bilderberg group, it is obvious their prophetic “scenario” of oil prices escalating by 400 percent, along with dramatic increases in dollar liquidity, did in fact occur seven months later. By January 1974 the price of OPEC’s benchmark oil stood at $11.65 per barrel (up from $3.01 in early 1973). Furthermore, it is also a matter of historical record that, during this time, the US had engaged in secret negotiations with the Saudi Arabia Monetary Authority to establish a petrodollar recycling system via New York and City of London banks.
This brilliant, if somewhat nefarious, act of monetary jujitsu enormously benefited not only the US/UK banking interests, but also the Seven Sisters of the US/UK petroleum conglomerate (Exxon, Texaco, Mobil, Chevron, Gulf, British Petroleum, and Royal Dutch/Shell). These major oil interests had incurred tremendous debts from the capital requirements in their large, new oil platforms in the inhospitable areas of the North Sea and Prudhoe Bay, Alaska. However, following the 1974 oil price shocks, their profitability was secure. Engdahl candidly noted that“while Kissinger’s 1973 oil shock had a devastating impact on world industrial growth, it had an enormous benefit for certain established interests — the major New York and London banks, and the Seven Sisters oil multinational of the United States and Britain.”
The unique monetary arrangement was formalized in June 1974 by Secretary of State Kissinger, establishing the US-Saudi Arabian Joint Commission on Economic Cooperation. The US Treasury and the New York Federal Reserve would “allow” the Saudi central bank to buy US Treasury bonds with Saudi petrodollars.
Likewise, London banks would handle eurozone-based international oil transactions, loaning these revenues via Eurobonds to oil-importing countries. The debt and interest from these loans would then flow to the dollar-denominated payments to the IMF, thereby completing the recycling of surplus petrodollars to the Federal Reserve.
Until November 2000, no OPEC country violated the petrodollar oil price arrangement. As long as the dollar was the strongest international currency, there was little reason to consider other options. However, in the autumn of 2000, Saddam Hussein emerged from a meeting of his government and announced that Iraq would soon transition its oil-export transactions to the euro. Saddam referred to the US dollar as currency of the “enemy state.” It is not clear if Saddam initiated the idea of transitioning to a petroeuro or if the EU approached him with this idea. Regardless, Iraq opened up a euro-based bank account with the leading French bank, BNP Paribas. Shortly thereafter, Iraqi oil proceeds went into a special UN account for the Oil for Food program and were then deposited in BNP Paribas.
At the time of the transition, Iraq’s UN Oil for Food account held $10 billion. A short news story detailing this development appeared on November 1, 2000, on the Radio Liberty website of the US State Department. CNN ran a very short article on its website on October 30, 2000, but after this one-day news cycle, the issue of Iraq’s switch to a petroeuro essentially disappeared from all five of the corporate-owned US media outlets. (Note: These five conglomerates collectively control 90 percent of the information flow within the United States.)
Although this little-noted Iraqi move to defy the dollar in favor of the euro, in itself, did not have a huge impact, the ramifications regarding further OPEC momentum toward a petroeuro were quite profound. If invoicing oil in euros were to spread, especially against an already weak dollar, it could create a panic sell-off of dollars by foreign central banks and OPEC oil producers. In the months before the latest Iraq War, hints in this direction were heard from Russia, Iran, Indonesia, and even Venezuela. There are indicators that the Iraq War was a forceful way to deliver a message to OPEC and other oil producers: Do not transition from the petrodollar to a petroeuro system. Engdahl’s conversation with a forthright London-based banker is rather enlightening:
Informed banking circles in the City of London and elsewhere in Europe privately confirm the significance of that little-noted Iraq move from petrodollar to petroeuro. ‘The Iraq move was a declaration of war against the dollar,’ one senior London banker told me recently. ‘As
soon as it was clear that Britain and the US had taken Iraq, a great sigh of relief was heard in London City banks. They said privately, “
now we don’t have to worry about that damn euro threat.”
notes:
F. William Engdahl, “A New American Century? Iraq and the Hidden Euro-dollar Wars,” currentconcerns.ch, no. 4, 2003,
http://www.currentconcerns.ch/archive/2 ... 030409.php.
F. William Engdahl,
A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order, 2nd edition, Pluto Press, 2004