by Petrodollar » Thu 09 Feb 2006, 13:04:49
Here's my view of oil-war nexus over the past 100 years...(excerpts from chapter 2 of Petrdollar Warfare)
Oil and War in the 20th Century:
The Emerging Role of the US Military in the 21st Century
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')Oil – ‘the blood of the earth’ – was ‘the blood of victory… Germany had boosted too much of its superiority in iron and coal, but it had not taken sufficient account of our superiority of oil.’
— Senator Berenger, the director of France’s Comite General de Petrole, during a speech about France’s recent victory over Germany, 1918
The need for oil certainly was a prime motive [in Hitler’s decision to invade Russia].
— Albert Speer’s testimony at Nuremburg War Trials, German minister for armaments and war production, 1941–1945
The thrust is clear: Once it has seized the oil wells of west Asia, the US will determine not only which firms would bag the deals, not only the currency in which oil trade would be denominated, not only the price of oil on the international market, but even the destination of the oil.
— “Behind the Invasion of Iraq,” Aspects of India’s Economy, 2002
Iraq is hardly the only country where American troops are risking their lives on a daily basis to protect the flow of petroleum. In Colombia, Saudi Arabia, and the Republic of Georgia, US personnel are also spending their days and nights protecting pipelines and refineries, or supervising the local forces assigned to this mission. American sailors are now on oil-protection patrol in the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, the South China Sea, and along other sea routes that deliver oil to the United States and its allies. In fact, the American military is increasingly being converted into a global oil-protection service.
– Michael Klare, “Transforming the American Military into a Global Oil-Protection Service,” October 7, 2004
During the two great wars of the 20th century, oil often proved to be the
defining natural resource that was required to project military power on the sea, air, and land. Indeed, oil factored into victories and defeats during major military campaigns throughout the century.
At the onset of the 20th century, Germany recognized the importance of oil and from 1899 to 1914 attempted to build a ‘Berlin-to-Baghdad’ railroad. Along with an advanced naval fleet, the German railroad project created a significant geopolitical rift with the British Empire. At the time the British Navy was determined to convert her fleet from coal-burning to oil-burning ships, and Berlin’s plans to gain access to large amounts of petroleum in modern day Iraq was a important but hidden factor in Britain’s declaration of war against Germany in 1914. In 1918, the final year of WWI, Sir Maurice Hankey, Britain’s First Secretary of the War Cabinet wrote,
$this->bbcode_second_pass_quote('', 'O')il in the next war will occupy the place of coal in the present war, or at least a parallel place to coal. The only big potential supply that we can get under British control is the Persian [
now Iran] and Mesopotamian [
now Iraq] supply…
Control over these oil supplies becomes a first class British war aim.
Not surprisingly, the British did
exactly what Sir Hankey recommended; in 1919 they carved-up the defeated Ottoman Empire and colonized the oil-rich regions of Iran and Iraq. Lord Cuzon, chairman of the Inter-Allied Petroleum Conference, recognized how oil had revolutionized modern warfare when he famously remarked after WWI, “
The Allied cause had floated to victory upon a wave of oil.” Indeed, while Germany had a large domestic supply of coal, she had little domestic oil.
A young German soldier who fought in WWI became convinced during the two decades between the world wars that one reason for Germany’s defeat in WWI was due to its lack of oil. This man was Adolf Hitler, later the chancellor of Germany, who was according to his generals during WWII, fascinated with the history of oil. By the time Hitler had begun his military campaign in Europe, German scientists had developed a chemical process that broke down coal molecules to produce synthetic oil for fuel and lubrication (Fischer-Tropsch process). Despite this breakthrough, the German army still needed additional sources of fuel to power the Nazi military machines.
Naturally, Hitler told the German people that his invasion of Russia was absolutely necessary to “save the Western world” from the barbaric and Godless communists.
{sound familiar to Rumsfeld's claims re the goals of radical Muslims?} Of course after the war the true strategic reasons for the Russian invasion were revealed. Albert Speer, the German minister for armaments and war production, revealed during his interrogation in May 1945 that Hitler’s quest for oil was a “prime motive” in the decision to invade Russia.
Indeed, Hitler’s invasion of Russia in 1941 was in large part initiated so the Nazis could access the oil-rich Caucus region of southern Russia. Hitler reportedly told Field Marshall von Mannstein, “
Unless we get the Baku oil, the war is lost.” By the winter of 1942, the Russians had stopped the German offensive. In turn, the inability of the German Wehrmacht to gain control over the oil-rich Baku region played an important factor in thwarting Hitler’s imperial conquests. In the battles of the Atlantic ocean, the German U-boat fleet tried to stop the flow of US oil being shipped to England but was ultimately unsuccessful after the allies invented underwater sonar technology. The geological characteristics of Germany ultimately crippled its goal of an empire.
Imperial Japan suffered a similar fate during WWII. During the 1920s and 1930s Japan received approximately 80% of its petroleum imports from the United States, but after the US embargo in July 1941, Japan immediately sought to gain control of the oil fields in the Dutch East-Indies (today Indonesia). The Japanese knew that in order to safely ship the oil back to Japan, the sea lanes had to be safe from the US Navy. Japan’s attack at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 was designed to deliver a knock-out blow to the US Pacific Fleet. Not surprisingly, a few weeks after Pearl Harbor the Japanese invaded the Dutch East-Indies and captured its giant oil fields.
However, by early 1945, both Japan and Germany were literally running out of oil, while the US had an abundance of petroleum being produced in Texas. It is estimated that during WWII a staggering 6 out of 7 million barrels of oil used by the allies to defeat the Axis powers were provided by the US. The transatlantic transport and supply of this oil during both world wars were critical to US success in helping its allies continue their prosecution of the wars without the tactical constraints of the axis powers.
As explained throughout Daniel Yergin’s book,
The Prize, political leaders have resorted to both deception and fear to disguise their motives of gaining control over oil deposits in various places around the world.
The 21st century is showing a similar pattern, with the external threat of terrorism used to scare the masses into compliance for oil-related geostrategic maneuvering.
A review of recent US military activity shows a pattern of military deployments and rapid construction of new bases in areas with hydrocarbon energy supplies or related pipelines. Since 9/11 US military deployments have included areas ranging from South America to West Africa to the Caspian Sea region. These worldwide military deployments are in areas that often lack evidence of Al Qaeda activity, but that always has oil and gas deposits, or the associated pipelines, such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline. This pattern suggests it is naïve to believe recent US military deployments were designed to fight terrorism rather than to ensure US control of oil and natural gas supplies.
Protests by the citizens of these countries against perceived exploitation of their natural resources by Western oil and gas interests are likely to be viewed by the neoconservatives as “terrorism.” Also, if Iraq is any indicator of the future, oil-exporting nations that switch their oil-export currency to the euro might also find they are the next US target in the “war on terror.”
This drive to establish new US military bases has not escaped the attention in the foreign media. An Australian newspaper has opined that, to US policy makers, “
defence redefined means securing cheap energy.” This aspect of US geostrategy was discussed in an article by Lieutenant Colonel Liotta, professor of national security affairs at the Naval War College. Liotta advocated the use of military force “
for more than simply protecting a nation and its people from traditional threat-based challenges.” Liotta argued that defense meant protecting the US lifestyle, the circumstances of “daily life.” This article obliquely advocated a military strategy of waging war to maintain our excessive consumption of oil, regardless of whether the US faces any threat.
Former British MP Meacher has characterized US strategic maneuvers as revolving around a “bogus” war on terror.
After reviewing the goals outlined in PNAC doctrine, Meacher concluded that “the ‘global war on terrorism’ has the hallmarks of a political myth propagated to pave the way for a wholly different agenda — the US goal of world hegemony, built around securing by force command over the oil supplies required to drive the whole project.”In May 2001, four months before 9/11, General Franks reviewed war plans that were to be used in the upcoming campaign in Afghanistan. At that time,
Michael Klare observed that US military planning had become increasingly defined as providing “resource security as their primary mission.” Although this was hardly addressed in the US media, in April 2002 Franks testified that one of his key missions as commander of the Persian Gulf-South Asia region was to provide “access to [the] region’s energy resources.”
While it is true the US Navy plays an important role in keeping the sea routes safe for the transportation of oil, it is interesting to note that in the months prior to 9/11, US policy planners were increasingly devising military frameworks around potential energy issues. According to Klare’s book,
Blood and Oil, a top-secret document dated February 3, 2001, directed the “
NSC [National Security Council] staff to cooperate with the NEPDG in assessing the military applications of the energy plan.” According to Jane Meyer of
The New Yorker, who has reportedly seen a copy of the document, it envisioned the melding of two White House priorities: “review of operational policies toward rogue states” [such as Iraq] and actions regarding the “capture of new and existing oil and gas fields.” Klare deftly appraised the 2001 Quadrennial Defense Review and related US joint energy-military policy documents as follows:
$this->bbcode_second_pass_quote('', '[')b]In fact, it is getting harder to distinguish US military operations designed to fight terrorism from those designed to protect energy assets. And the administration’s tendency to conflate the two is obvious in more than just the Gulf and Caspian areas. In Latin America, the US Southern Command has been ordered to strengthen the Columbia army’s ability to defend oil pipelines against guerrilla attack — again on the basis of expanding the war against terrorism. In the Caucasus, the European Command is doing its part in the war on terror by training Georgian forces to protect the soon-to-be-completed Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline; terrorism and the vulnerability of the oil supplies are also providing the justification for Eurcom’s efforts to enhance America’s power-projection capacity in Africa.
Despite an unprecedented international outcry, the Bush administration launched Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. Today, US soldiers, US contractors, and a handful of international coalition members are suffering under daily attacks by Iraqis resisting the occupation. Meanwhile, US political leaders continue to use ambiguous and euphemistic phrases to justify their imperial goals such as
Despite these proclamations, most industrialized and developing nations engage in legal trade agreements with the nations that export their natural resources such as oil, and typically leaders do not resort to Orwellian phraseology to justify faraway wars against “terror” or obfuscate their agendas with misleading but impressive-sounding slogans.
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. According to this illustration, domestic oil field production will decline from about 8.5 million barrels per day (mb/d) in 2002 to 7.0 mb/d in 2020, while consumption will jump from 19.5 mb/d to 25.5 mb/d. That suggests imports or other sources of petroleum … will have to rise from 11 mb/d to 18.5 mb/d.
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— Michael Klare, international energy expert, “Bush-Cheney Energy Strategy: Procuring the Rest of the World’s Oil,” Foreign Policy in Focus, 2004