Seems TRCC was awarded in 1928
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WildcattersBy Roger M. Olien, Diana Davids Hinton
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In contrast to the Yates field, the Hendrick field included scores of five- and ten-acre tracts, easily afforded by small independents. Though major companies acquired substantial Hendrick field acreage, they were far outnumbered by independents. As these small fry hastened to cash in on the Hendrick bonanza, production quickly surpassed the capacity of the pipelines. In December 1927, when Hendrick production reached a daily average of 50,000 barrels, the South Crude Oil Purchasing Company, then second to Humble as a Permian Basin crude oil purchaser, announced that it would buy oil not already under contract. This step should have slowed the pace of Hendrick development. It did not do so, primarily because independents with small Hendrick tracts continued to drill offset wells to keep owners of adjoining leases from producing their oil. Tow prolific wells on adjoining tracts owned by the independent partnerships of Cranfill and Reynolds and Collett-O'Keefe, for example, prompted nearby leaseholders to drill more than fifty offset wells. As drilling proceeded at a headlong pace, some large and intermediate independents stored oil, while others invested in pipelines to loading racks on the Texas and Pacific Railroad. These independent pipelines kept market outlets open for small independents despite Southern Crude's attempt to slow down production development. Prices for Hendrick crude dropped: by March 1928, posted prices averaged 60 cents a barrel, while spot market prices dipped as low as 10 cents less.
13 So much oil was on the market that there were few bidders for it; no prudent purchaser bought and stored oil while prices were steadily falling.
The sharp drop in prices was not, however, the most serious problem producers faced in the Hendrick field. Late in 1927, some Hendrick wells were producing increasing quantities of water and diminishing quantities of oil. Though producers first thought the problem was caused by faulty casing on an abandoned gas well, by February 1928, when nearly half the field's wells were producing significant amounts of water, it was clear that water incursion was widespread. No one knew exactly what caused the problem, no one knew to a certainty how to stop it, and no one knew how much worse it might become. All producers, however, faced the immediate threat of seeing their crude oil displaced by sulfur water in the near future.
14The producers' immediate response was the time-honored step of producing as much oil as they could before water reached their various parts of the field, devil take the hindmost. This tactic alarmed major-company engineers; they were convinced that accelerated production would hasten water incursion, which would in turn lower the amount of oil that could be recovered. The engineers believed that aggressive drilling by independents and wanton flaring of gas by all producers were responsible for lower reservoir pressure and water incursion. Though existing engineering technology could not offer conclusive proof of this theory, the engineers' argument important justification for cutting back production. As the water problem worsened, the engineers' view gained acceptance among producers, who recognized that it was in their interest to support the basic principle of voluntary regulation.
15 The engineers' theory also moved the Hendrick situation from the sphere of economics to that of conservation; on those terms, it was possible for the Texas Railroad Commission, legally charged with preventing physical waste in oil fields to intervene.
16In February 1928, representatives of the Hendrick field producers began a series of meetings with the railroad commissioners in Fort Worth; in April, the producers' representatives selected a six-man committee to work out a production proration plan for the Hendrick field. The committee, chaired by R. D. Parker of the Railroad Commission, included W. B. Hamilton, head of the oil and gas bureau of the West Texas Chamber of Commerce; major-company representatives W. S. Farish and Underwood Nazro; and three independent representatives. But because the independent representatives included C. F. Kelsey, of the large Independent Oil and Gas Company, and Ed Landreth, who was involved with Roxana in Winkler County, small independents were not given representation proportionate to their numbers in the Hendrick field. Only committee member Tom Cranfill, an intermediate-sized Dallas independent, was a small tract holder whose interests were akin to those of the many small operators. Not surprisingly, in committee meetings Cranfill was often a minority of one.
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Footnotes are currently unavailable to me.
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Also this book shows that the association between Texas oil and Texas railroads is due to the fact that without any pipelines, rail was the only viable way to ship oil. Building pipelines often required suppliers and purchasers to negotiate deals to pay for the construction.