Monday, November 29, 2010

Cancun Climate Talks: Irrelevant? The mood going into this week’s global climate conference in Cancun, Mexico is decidedly different than that for last year’s session in Copenhagen, which had been intended to culminate the process begun two years earlier in Bali. It’s not just that expectations for a comprehensive and binding global climate treaty have been dramatically lowered; much of the debate since Copenhagen has moved away from the notion that it’s even possible to reduce emissions sufficiently to avert many of the adverse consequences of a warming and less stable climate. It’s no coincidence that the cover story of this week’s Economist is dedicated to the increased need for adaptation to climate change, while the lead op-ed in the energy pull-out section in today’s Wall St. Journal highlights an agenda for making clean energy the cheapest kind–not by subsidizing it even more than we already are, but by driving innovation.

After describing the magnitude of the challenge involved in decarbonizing the global economy by enough, soon enough, to limit the increase in global average temperatures in this century to 2° C, The Economist concludes, “The fight to limit global warming to easily tolerated levels is thus over.” That doesn’t mean that agreements to bend the trajectory of emissions growth below the status quo trendline aren’t worth pursuing, but it suggests that we need to devote much greater attention and resources to adapting to a world that will likely include more droughts, floods, famines, and human migration than we’ve had to deal with thus far, and for which both the drivers and consequences are being amplified by economic development and population growth. The Economist sees climate adaptation focused on three main areas: infrastructure, migration and food, and their analysis is worth reading.

Another factor I believe the magazine should have highlighted is the difficulty of undertaking any of these efforts at a time when the developed world is hobbled by weak economic growth and related deficit and debt problems that threaten to render even the current level of subsidies for renewable energy sources unsustainable. As the EU grapples with the debts of Greece and Ireland, with Portugal and Spain waiting in the wings, it’s no accident that Spain has just cut its feed-in tariff for solar power, which had already been reduced from previously lavish levels. The elephant in the room in Cancun, as it was in Copenhagen, is that binding agreements requiring severe emissions reductions by and large transfer payments from the developed countries might have looked attainable when the economy was booming, but they have become much less feasible in the wake of the worst recession and financial crisis since the Great Depression.

That same fundamental challenge makes the innovation arguments raised by Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellengerger of the Breakthrough Institute more urgent than they would be otherwise. Because today’s renewable energy technologies remain more expensive without subsidies than coal, oil and natural gas–even when the consumption subsidies the latter receive are stripped away–the cost of replacing our existing, high-emitting energy sources with entirely green ones looks unaffordable in today’s world. I would add that reliance on experience curve effects–building out a subsidized green energy economy and depending on volume to drive down its cost to the point of competitiveness–is unlikely close that gap, and where it can, there is no guarantee that the country providing the incentives will receive the benefits it is entitled to expect. To cite the most obvious current example, Germany has invested tens of billions of Euros subsidizing solar energy and has indeed created a globally competitive solar industry–mainly in developing Asia.

What makes Nordhaus and Shellenberger’s suggestion seem much more practical than global climate treaties and mountains of green subsidies is that the money currently being spent on renewable energy deployment incentives, which constitute a small fraction of the total annual investment in energy infrastructure, would go much farther buying R&D, rather than hardware. The US investment tax credit paid to a single 100 MW wind farm could fund an entire university energy innovation laboratory and graduate degree program.

Of course none of these strategies should be regarded as entirely either/or propositions. Adaptation doesn’t let us off the hook for trying to address the causes of climate change, nor does shifting more of government’s limited resources into clean energy R&D mean we don’t need any of the real-world learnings that only come from deploying technology and seeing how it works under uncontrolled conditions. There’s also a parallel role for research into geoengineering to provide a backstop–a potential Hail Mary pass–should all of these other efforts fall short and climate change move beyond a range we can live with. If nothing else, the COP 16 meeting in Cancun might shed more light on the degree to which the UN body is the right umbrella to cover all this work.

Tomorrow at 1:00 PM EST I’ll be presenting in a webinar entitled, “Natural Gas: Sustainability Friend or Foe”. To sign up follow this link.Labels: adaptation, breakthrough, cancun, climate change, cop-16, copenhagen, geoengineering, global warming, innovation, solar power, subsidy

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Tuesday, November 23, 2010

Chicago’s Climate Exchange Shuts Down I see that the Chicago Climate Exchange (CCX) will be winding down its CO2 trading operations by the end of the year and laying off staff. This is only surprising considering that the parent company of the CCX was acquired just this summer by the Intercontinental Exchange, though mainly for its successful European emissions trading market. In case you were wondering how long the odds against enacting cap & trade legislation in the US have become, the demise of the CCX is a signpost you can’t ignore. If the symbolism of a popular Democratic governor using the Waxman-Markey climate bill for target practice during his recent successful bid for the US Senate wasn’t clear enough, it looks like his bullet may have also hit the CCX.

I recall a meeting with one of the founders of CCX at Texaco’s corporate headquarters in New York prior to my leaving the company at the end of 2001. At that time, Texaco’s management was coming around to the idea that sooner or later emissions of CO2 and other greenhouse gases would carry a price, for the first time in human history. Cap & trade offered a proven way to discover that price, based on the pioneering experience of US markets for sulfur dioxide, a cause of acid rain, and nitrogen oxides. The principles of emissions trading had been embedded in the Kyoto Protocol, largely thanks to the efforts of the US delegation, and European countries were setting up the precursors of the EU Emissions Trading System to manage mandatory carbon reductions. Such developments still appeared to be somewhere over the horizon in the US, which never ratified Kyoto, but they seemed likely to find their way here, eventually. One of the main selling points of the CCX, which was based on voluntary emission reduction commitments by member companies, was that it would provide valuable early experience in a formal market for emissions reductions, giving participants a leg up when such trading was required by law. This argument didn’t persuade my former employer, but a number of other companies signed up.

If this scenario now seems like a quaint strand of alternate history–a “what if?” that never materialized–that perspective is quite recent. The prospects for CCX and wider emissions trading looked reasonable for a long time. The value of the CCX contract peaked in mid-2008, when it had become apparent that the ultimate presidential nominees of both major US political parties would be candidates who supported cap & trade, with the Republican even having previously co-authored Senate legislation on the subject. After a severe dip during the worst of the financial crisis, the contract recovered to around $2/ton after the new administration took office, but then swooned again as the Waxman-Markey bill, with its heavily skewed version of cap & trade, neared passage. As the likelihood of parallel Senate action on climate legislation receded, it never really recovered.

In its editorial on the termination of the Chicago Climate Exchange, the Wall Street Journal suggested that the market has delivered its verdict and the idea of national-level cap & trade is now dead in the US. Perhaps, but it certainly doesn’t signal an end to all CO2 trading here. Aside from the state and regional programs to which the Journal alluded, companies with global operations subject to emissions caps in other countries will still be active participants in non-US emissions markets, and firms that remain committed to voluntary reductions in the US may continue to trade with each other, via brokers, or with over-the-counter market makers.

For that matter, I can’t help wondering whether cap & trade is truly as dead as a Monty Python parrot or just resting. I’m reluctant to let go of an idea I’ve supported for a long time, but I also still see significant advantages for cap & trade over other means of putting a price on greenhouse gas emissions. Although the idea of carbon pricing may have gone out of fashion in the US, major tax reform for the purpose of deficit reduction could make it much more difficult to provide the monetary incentives for renewable energy technologies that we do today. Without those subsidies or a price on CO2, renewables will have a hard time competing with fossil fuels. And if our only other choices for emissions reduction were mandates or the command-and-control approach for which the EPA is now gearing up, then cap & trade and the emissions trading that makes it work might no longer look quite so appalling to their critics. In that case, the companies that participated in the CCX during the last seven years might not have wasted their time, after all.

FYI, I’ll be participating in a webinar on the sustainability aspects of natural gas next Monday at The Energy Collective . To sign up follow this link. In the meantime, I wish my US readers a very enjoyable Thanksgiving. New postings will resume next week.Labels: cap-and-trade, carbon tax, ccx, chicago, climate change, climate legislation, CO2, emissions trading

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Friday, November 19, 2010

Energy Implications of Tax Reform I’ve been thinking about the implications for energy of a major deficit reduction effort along the lines suggested by the co-chairs of the President’s fiscal responsibility and reform commission. Our present approach to providing incentives for various energy sources and technologies, new and old, is embedded in a tax code and taxation philosophy that might not survive the upheaval required to bring the US deficit and resulting federal debt back into a manageable range. This goes far beyond the comparatively minor question of extending expiring grants and tax credits that I discussed the other day; under the most stringent of the proposals from Mr. Bowles and Senator Simpson, such things wouldn’t even exist. It’s not clear how the Administration or Congress would promote favored energy technologies and strategies without these well-established but costly tools.

Start with renewable energy. We currently promote renewable fuels and electricity generation with a combination of mandates–policies such as the federal Renewable Fuels Standard (RFS) and state Renewable Portfolio Standards–and subsidy payments. Until last year’s stimulus bill established the Treasury renewable energy grants, for which eligibility is due to expire in a few weeks, most of those subsidy payments have come in the form of reductions in federal taxes, via either an investment tax credit (ITC) based on the cost of a project or a production tax credit (PTC) for actual energy generated. Both of these measures, which have had a checkered history of expirations and extensions, fall into the broad category of “tax expenditures”. The Zero Option proposed by Messrs. Bowles and Simpson would permanently eliminate over $1 trillion of such tax expenditures, in exchange for much lower tax rates.

Even if the renewable energy tax credits were reloaded into a streamlined tax code under the “Wyden-Gregg-style” reform presented as Option 2 from the co-chairs, the value of those credits would be reduced–or at least rendered harder to extract–because the corporate tax rate would be reduced from the current 35% to 26%. That means that a higher proportion of companies would likely not pay large enough taxes to take full advantage of the renewable energy tax credits–or have as much appetite for others’ credits via “tax equity” swaps. Compounding that, the likelihood of enacting cash grants to get around this restriction would probably be much lower in an environment in which entire herds of sacred cows were being slaughtered in the cause of averting a looming national deficit and debt crisis.

In the absence of such tax credits, renewable energy developers and manufacturers would be forced to rely even more on state-level mandates or a proposed federal renewable electricity standard. The first test of such a mandates-only approach might come in a few weeks, if the ethanol blenders’ credit is allowed to expire, while the annual RFS mandate continues to ratchet up. Or companies might simply conclude that without generous tax subsidies for renewable energy deployment here, their best opportunities would be found in markets that are growing much faster than ours, based on actual energy demand, rather than better incentives. Developing Asia comes to mind. That shift might not be the worst outcome, in terms of both the US trade deficit and global emissions reductions.

Conventional energy firms wouldn’t escape unscathed, either. They stand to lose significant tax expenditures as well, in the form of oil & gas depletion allowances, the Section 199 manufacturing deduction, and other benefits. However, the oil and gas industry has been paying an effective corporate tax rate above 40% even after all these credits and deductions. A drop to 26% might more than offset the loss of the other benefits, while more importantly bridging the competitive gap between US firms and foreign competitors that operate under lower tax rates and a territorial tax system, rather than being taxed on worldwide earnings, as US companies are today. Bowles/Simpson also proposed increasing the federal gasoline tax by 15¢ per gallon to restore the Highway Trust Fund to solvency. That’s a worthy goal, but as I’ve pointed out previously the Highway fund faces complex challenges as the US car fleet becomes steadily more fuel efficient and increasingly moves away from liquid fuels taxed at the pump. Raising the gas tax is a stop-gap measure, at best, on the way to a different means of collecting road taxes.

With regard to climate policy, tax reform that eliminated tax credits or reduced their value would also tend to nudge the debate back in the direction of putting an explicit price on carbon, either via cap & trade or with an outright tax. Might that prospect suddenly look more attractive as an adjunct to a fairer and simpler income tax system, than it seemed when it would have come as a further complication to an already enormously convoluted tax system that is widely viewed as unfair by both liberals and conservatives? My guess is not, without something else that motivates us to tackle climate change on a much more urgent basis.

Now let’s come back to reality. The proposals of the commission’s co-chairs have already received a frosty reception or outright hostility from both sides of the aisle, and they haven’t yet gotten the buy-in of the rest of their team; the final report requires the consent of 14 of the 18 members. Their ideas must also compete with a growing number of deficit-reduction alternatives, including a widely-reported plan from another bi-partisan group, plus at least one solo proposal from another member of the President’s commission. The chances are low for any of these proposals to gain enough traction to be enacted without first being significantly watered down. However, it is starting to look just as risky to assume that the present tax system–and its cornucopia of energy incentives–will continue unchanged indefinitely. A quick glance at the US debt clock ought to make that abundantly clear.Labels: cap-and-trade, carbon tax, climate change, gas tax, investment tax credit, oil, production tax credit, renewable energy, renewable fuel standard, subsidy, tax, tax credit, taxes

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Wednesday, November 17, 2010

Closed-Loop Energy This morning I received an emailed press release announcing that the Altamont landfill gas facility in California had been recognized by the state’s governor for its achievement in sustainability. What makes this facility unique is that the methane gas generated by the landfill waste is collected and turned into liquefied natural gas (LNG) in a plant run by a joint venture of Waste Management and the North American subsidiary of the Linde Group and then used to power garbage trucks that haul San Francisco’s waste to the landfill. That effectively “closes the loop” by turning trash into fuel to collect the trash. It’s a clever concept, but I admit to being initially skeptical about the companies’ claim that this approach saves 98% of the greenhouse gas emissions from the diesel fuel it replaces. How can that be, when every pound of methane burned in the trucks’ engines yields 2.75 pounds of CO2?

The answer to this conundrum lies in the assumptions behind the analysis of the project done by Argonne National Laboratory, which is generally considered the gold standard for lifecycle, or “well-to-wheels” analysis of this kind. Quoting from their report, “At present most of the biomethane generated at U.S. landfills is flared in conjunction with emissions-abatement practices.” Since 1996, landfills above a certain threshold have been required to collect methane and other gases produced by the decomposition of refuse and either flare it or put it through a thermal oxidizer to convert the methane to CO2. That’s crucial from an emissions perspective, because it reduces the landfill’s greenhouse gas emissions by a factor of 21 times versus simple venting. However, the report also states that over 500 projects around the US recover energy from landfill methane, with most either using it to generate power or steam or compressing it and injecting it into natural gas pipelines, where it becomes indistinguishable from the methane produced from natural gas wells. When Argonne confirms that Altamont’s LNG emits practically no greenhouse gases, that result is relative to the option of flaring it, not compared to the other uses to which the recovered gas could be put.

The appropriateness of that assumption goes to the heart of the issue of “additionality” that has made the certification of emissions credits so challenging in many cases around the world. In this case, if the Altamont landfill gas in question weren’t turned into LNG to fuel San Francisco garbage trucks, would it really be flared or would it be turned into power, as other gas produced at Altamont apparently is? On one level I can’t answer that without knowing a lot more about the facility than is provided either on Waste Management’s site or in the Argonne analysis. However, it helps to consider that an assessment of any other use of this gas would face the same question; they can’t all be compared to each other. There must be a common reference, and going back to flaring, which is the basic standard required under the Landfill Rule of the Clean Air Act, seems the most consistent choice.

With that assumption in hand, and based on Argonne’s analysis of the emissions from the different steps involved in producing the LNG, it’s perfectly reasonable to claim that at least compared to burning petroleum diesel in Waste Management’s trucks, the Altamont LNG is a nearly zero emission fuel. The more interesting question is whether this disposition, with its obvious green PR benefits, is actually the best use of the energy recovered from the landfill. The same Argonne report indicates that the total energy consumption in the landfill gas-LNG-motor fuel pathway is about 8% higher than in the oil well-refinery-motor fuel pathway for diesel fuel. That hints at the possibility that the total emissions reductions from Altamont might be even greater if the gas were used, not to power garbage trucks, but for another purpose, such as generating power to back out electricity imported into the state from coal-burning sources in places like Four Corners, New Mexico. In any case, lest we make the perfect the enemy of the good, what Waste Management and Linde are doing at Altamont is certainly good compared to the default option of flaring all that gas, and the kudos they have received look well deserved.Labels: CO2, emissions, greenhouse gas, landfill gas, lng, natural gas

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Monday, November 15, 2010

Extend or Reform? As the US Congress returns from its election recess to take up its “lame duck” session, one of many crucial pending items it will likely take up is the so-called “extenders” package: key tax provisions that are due to expire at the end of the year, unless extended by legislative action. From an energy perspective, this includes both the expiring ethanol blenders credit and the Treasury renewable energy grants issued in lieu of the investment tax credit (ITC) for renewables. Both incentives face a much more uncertain reception when the new Congress is sworn in next January, so the lame duck might just be their last gasp.

For the ethanol credit, that is as it should be; if 32 years of federal subsidies haven’t made corn ethanol competitive with gasoline–particularly when its use is now mandatory–then nothing will. The situation for the renewable energy grants is more complicated. This is a relatively new benefit that, as I’ve noted in previous postings, was instituted as part of last year’s American Recovery and Reinvestment Act–a.k.a. the stimulus–to substitute for a class of market transactions (“tax equity”) that renewable energy developers could no longer access as a result of the financial crisis. Bridging that gap became all but essential for smaller companies without enough taxable earnings to take full advantage of the tax credit on their own, or lacking adequate working capital to afford to wait until their next tax filing to recoup the applicable ITC portion of the cost of a project.

If that situation still obtained, justifying the extension of the grants for another year or two would be easy. In the meantime, however, much has changed. Although not yet functioning at the same pace as before the financial crisis, the tax equity market is recovering. Banks and insurance companies have announced a growing number of tax equity deals in the last few months. This market might revive even faster if it weren’t competing with essentially free money from the Treasury.

The other aspect of the situation that has changed is the growing dominance of large players in renewable energy project development, particularly for wind. Contrary to the perception that the Treasury grants mainly benefited small companies, more than half of the $5.4 billion in grants awarded to date went to just three companies, all of them large and profitable enough to have waited until tax time to collect their ITC benefits–though I don’t doubt that getting cash up front improved the economics of their projects. For example, EDP Renovaveis, through its Horizon Wind Energy subsidiary, collected around $565 million in grants in the first half of 2010, after receiving “in excess of 685 million dollars” in 2009. Meanwhile, between its 3Q2010 earnings presentation and its 2009 full-year presentation Iberdrola Renovables claimed approximately $983 million in US renewable energy grants. NextEra Energy (the renamed parent company of Florida Power & Light) booked $556 million in grants in the first 9 months of 2010, on top of $100 million last year. All of this was entirely appropriate under the provisions of the stimulus, but it doesn’t quite fit the picture of an emergency measure intended to help small, struggling firms.

Some have argued that in any case the grants are merely a matter of timing for the government: paying eligible developers cash now, or paying them the same amount later, via reduced taxes. That would only be true if every project that was eligible for a grant could (or should) proceed without one. Sparing wind farms, solar installations and other projects from the discipline of rigorous review by private investors risks allowing weaker projects to proceed, when they should either be rethought or cancelled. That was an unavoidable risk in early 2009, when the renewable energy industry was in peril of imploding, but overlooking it seems less justifiable today.

The Treasury renewable energy grants were instituted as an extreme step at an unprecedented time. It’s hard to imagine that anyone intended them to become a permanent entitlement to replace the existing renewable energy tax credits, which were simultaneously extended through the end of 2012 for wind power and 2013 for most other technologies. However, if this program is to be extended for now, it ought to be reformed to exclude beneficiaries for which it constitutes merely a convenience, rather than a necessity. That would mean either capping the maximum payout for any recipient at something less than $100 million, or imposing a corporate income threshold. I’ll be watching this issue with great interest between now and the end of the year.Labels: congress, grant, investment tax credit, itc, lame duck, production tax credit, ptc, renewable energy, solar power, tax credit, wind power

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Thursday, November 11, 2010